SOCIAL & EVOLUTIONARY PSYCHOLOGY LAB

Every woman has at least two stories: One about how she could not have survived without the support of a female friend, and one about how a female friend broke her heart. We investigate the often-overlooked complexities of female sociality.

• Like men, women actively compete. We explore ways that women might avoid the often high costs of other women's aggression (e.g., via perceptual biases, strategic behavior)--and the impact this might have on women's psychology and physiology.
• How do women meet the challenge of discerning whether women are likely friends or foes?
• What forms does women's status competition take, and is it effective?
• Might current conceptualizations of power and status assume male-biased defaults, thereby leading us to overlook sources power and status typically held by women?

Our friends make us happy, keep us healthy, and can even promote our reproductive fitness. But friendships remain understudied in social psychology. We explore these important bonds.

• Does "friendship jealousy" protect our friendships, and motivate us to guard our friends? What are the sex similarities and differences in friendship jealousy, and why might we see some such differences?
• Who engages in "friend guarding", and what drives it?
• How many friends do women and men have? 
• How does the mind integrate our myriad friend preferences to actually make friend choices?
• We've all shared secrets or gossip with friends--including with friends who betray others' trust in sharing secrets and gossip with us. Why do we trust these betrayers, and what does this tell us about friendship psychology?

We use a functional approach to stigma to revolutionize our understanding of classic research in social psychology.

• (Why) Do people stereotype women who have casual sex (but not men) as having low self-worth?
• How does the "OKness" of prejudice affect our social relationships?
• Do specific threats transfer in stigma-by-association?
• Beyond BMI, fat stigma results from a complex perceptual calculus that involves different fats (often stored in different places on the body). How do people's body shapes affect stigma directed toward them, and what affordances do different bodily shape cue?
• How might our imperfect social perceptions of threats and opportunities translate into stereotypes and prejudice?

Religious people are highly trusted--and even other atheists often dislike atheists. Some religious people are also likely to hold negative perceptions of gays, women's reproductive rights, recreational drugs. Why?

• Our work suggests that atheists are distrusted because they are seen as sexually uncommitted, building a body of work suggesting that sexual strategies lead us to religions (and not vice versa).
• Do people ever possess positive stereotypes about atheists?
• Which individual-level traits drive anti-atheist prejudice?
• Can displaying cues of religiosity mitigate (some) stigmatization?

Income inequality is a strong predictor of violence. Does increasing income inequality also change the ways that women compete? How does pathogen prevalence affect the job market?

• Our work suggests that different ecological factors shape different types of violence.
• How does relational mobility affect women's and men's friendship processes?
• Does an environment with greater information saturation lead us to prefer simpler information?

Our minds are sensitive to how other people see us, and this sensitivity can influence whom we condemn, how much we want to punish others, and how we navigate relationships.

• We might enjoy reputational boosts when we condemn other people--but how do people view us when we try to understand both sides of politicized controversies?
• Why do people seem to dislike people who agree with points made by those on two opposing sides of a politicized controversy--is it because those people make the group seem less cohesive and imposing?
• How do we feel about unchanging artifacts (i.e., art) after learning artists were accused of various transgressions?

The sorts of activities that make us happy and fulfilled change as a function of our age, gender, and relationship status. We explore what makes us happy--and whether we can accurately predict what makes other people satisfied (or frustrated).

• Our work suggests that striving for status and finding friends can make us feel self-actualized.
• We also discuss how our goal of caring for kin is highly important to people across cultures--even as many researchers sometimes overlook this motivation. 

A "disgust" sound is a most recognizable emotional vocalization. What would you do If someone made that sound at you, or looked at you with disgust? What if a friend looked at you with disgust--and did so just after someone you both found annoying entered the room? We're exploring disgust expressions and their often-triadic social functions